Hiroshima und Nagasaki: Zwei Namen, die für den Vernichtungsirrsinn des 20. Jahrhunderts stehen. Nach den jüngsten UN-Verhandlungen in New York ist es unwahrscheinlich, dass die Überlebenden eine atomwaffenfreie Welt noch erleben werden. In seinem Artikel für die Heinrich-Böll-Stiftung erläutert Ulrich Kühn, wie es in den kommenden Jahren mit der multilateralen nuklearen Abrüstung weitergehen könnte. Er plädiert für eine dritte Abrüstungsnorm. Click here ...

Am 14. Juli 2015 haben die E3/EU+3 und Iran in Wien eine detaillierte Einigung erzielt, die den Weg für eine langfristige Lösung im Konflikt um das iranische Atomprogramm ebnen soll. Der gemeinsame umfassende Aktionsplan (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action, JCPOA) enthält auf über 100 Seiten Regeln und einen institutionellen Rahmen zur Begrenzung und Kontrolle des iranischen Atomprogramms. Die Umsetzung wird weitreichende Folgen für die Rolle Irans in der Region, die Sicherheit im Nahen und Mittleren Osten und internationale Bemühungen um die Kontrolle von Atomwaffen haben. Click here ...

In his most recent article for The National Interest, assessing the nuclear muscle-flexing of the Kremlin, Deep Cuts Commissioner Greg Thielmann provides good arguments not to overreact to Russian rhetorics in the nuclear realm. "Not since Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev boasted of “producing missiles like sausages” and issued his warning to Western ambassadors that “we will bury you” has the world been subjected to a leader in Moscow so loudly rattling his nuclear saber," argues Thielmann. "With U.S.-Russian relations continuing to deteriorate and worldwide nuclear arsenals still holding some 15,700 warheads and bombs, it is all the more important to deliberate on guidelines for effectively dealing with such conduct." Click here ...

A recent poll by the U.S.-based Pew Research Center suggests that Germans are free-riding on the U.S. ability to defend its NATO allies. The poll comes at a critical juncture as NATO allies intensely debate how to respond to Russia’s hybrid warfare, employed so successfully in Crimea and eastern Ukraine. Deep Cuts Commissioner Ulrich Kühn explains for War On The Rocks that Germany traditionally follows a fundamentally different understanding of security which is much more based on dialogue and mediation than on pure power politics. Click here ...

"There is no question that conventional arms control in Europe is in a dry and difficult time. That some progress, or better, some resurrection of conventional arms control, needs to happen is equally obvious," says Deep Cuts Commissioner Greg Govan in this most recent Issue Brief. Govan continues to pose a number of fundamental questions: What are the goals for European security? How can arms control objectives serve those goals? How can we work towards those goals within a “Helsinki 2” type process that addresses all aspects of security in Europe, not just the military dimension? Click here ...

On July 2, Deep Cuts Commissioners Ulrich Kühn, Oliver Meier and Götz Neuneck briefed a number of German parliamentarians at an event organized by the Permanent Mission of Hamburg to the German State in Berlin. At the event, attended by some 25 experts and officials, including representatives of the Russian embassy, Commissioners pointed to the critical state of international arms control and disarmament institutions. Reiterating the suggestions and recommendations of the Second Deep Cuts Report, Commissioners stressed the need to re-engage on the strained INF Treaty, conventional arms control in Europe, and the on-going conflict in Ukraine. The newly elected Senator for Education of Hamburg, Katharina Fegebank, opened the session with her welcoming remarks.

This Issue Brief by Nickolas Roth (Harvard University) describes how the United States and Russia arrived at this point. It highlights differences in how the United States and Russia approach nuclear security. It identifies what limited nuclear security related work will likely continue between the two countries in the future. Finally, Roth identifies potential opportunities for future cooperation related to nuclear security between the United States and Russia. Click here ...

"No Defense Department response would be necessary if Russia came back into compliance with the treaty. Unfortunately, in the current political atmosphere between Washington and Moscow, it is difficult to imagine how that might happen," comments Deep Cuts Commissioner Steven Pifer in his latest blog post for the Brookings Institution on the INF crisis with Russia. A U.S. response in the military realm could be expensive and potentially divisive, Pifer explains. Click here ...

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